Author Archives: DevelopingWorldAntitrust

Government-mandated sharing of trade secrets: anticompetitive interference

This post from AfricanAntitrust.com analyses a case that highlights the need for advocacy programs that educate public officials. In this particular instance, the S.A. Minister of Small Business requested companies to engage in conduct that violates the country’s competition law. Although the purpose of this request is to promote other public policy goals, it leaves both the South African Competition Commission (SACC) and the multinational companies in an awkward situation. How should the SACC act in the event of a government-lead antitrust violation? The post, that we highly recommend, provides arguments to find an answer to this question.

Editor's avatarAfrican Antitrust & Competition Law

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Ms. Zulu proposes foreign competitors share trade secrets with SA counterparts

Perhaps it is time for increased advocacy initiatives within the South African government, or at a minimum a basic educational program in competition law for all its sitting ministers.
In what can only be described as startling (and likely positively anticompetitive), Lindiwe Zulu, the S.A. Minister of Small Business, has demanded foreign business owners to reveal their trade secrets to their smaller rivals.
The South African Competition Commission, and perhaps one of the Minister’s own fellow Cabinet members, minister Ebrahim Patel, who is de facto in charge of the competition authorities, can see fit to remind Ms. Zulu that fundamental antitrust law principles (and in particular section 4 of the South African Competition Act), preclude firms in a horizontal relationship from sharing trade secrets that are competitively sensitive – i.e., precisely those types of information…

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Understanding competition law enforcement in China: NDRC v Qualcomm

By Amine Mansour*

China’s competition authorities have the reputation of being aggressive. Qualcomm’s case confirms such reputation. On 10 February 2015, China’s National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) imposed a fine of 6.088 billion Yuan (975 million dollars) on Qualcomm calculated on the basis of 8% of the company’s 2013 sales in China. This adds to several royalty concessions offered by Qualcomm to local manufacturers. Notwithstanding the significance of the amount of the fine, the highest antimonopoly fine ever exacted in China, Qualcomm decided not to appeal the decision.

According to the NDRC, the company held a dominant position in the CDMA, WCDMA and LTE chipset markets. The official statement (here in Chinese) comes out with very succinct information and characterizes the abuse in extremely broad terms. Below you will find a brief presentation of the case followed by some comments.

The decision

First, the decision points out that Qualcomm was charging excessive royalty fees. In this respect, the company refused to provide its licensees with a list of its available patents from where they could choose and forced them to accept a package that includes out of date patents. Taking this into account, the NDRC held that the price charged was unreasonable. Second, the press statement highlights a tying mechanism in Qualcomm’s patent licensing activity. In particular, the NDRC points out the fact that Qualcomm tied, with no justification, licenses for wireless and non-wireless technology forcing Chinese customers to pay for unwanted licenses. Third, it is stated that Qualcomm abused its dominant position by adding unreasonable conditions on the sale of baseband chips. As a result the NDRC states that “Qualcomm’s acts to eliminate or restrict market competition, hinder and inhibit technological innovation and development and harm the interests of consumers violating China’s anti-monopoly law”. To address those issues, Qualcomm offered a corrective measures package. This package consists of the following actions (details in the Qualcomm press release).

Patent and products covered by Qualcomm’s concessions. One has to bear in mind that what is affected in the present case is a small fraction of Qualcomm’s patented technology. In particular, the decision focuses on the pricing of Qualcomm’s patented technology adopted as a standard for 3G and 4G devices (phones, tablets, laptops…).

Concessions offered. Qualcomm will be offering a separate and less broad license that includes only its 3G and 4G essential Chinese patents. Other essential and non-essential patents will be offered through a separate license. In addition, Qualcomm commits itself to make a list of its patents available to licensees during the negotiation process. Additional concessions focused, first, on grating a fair compensation to Chinese licensees in case of a cross-license agreement and, second, on removing unreasonable terms from license agreements including restrictions on licensees’ ability to challenge terms of their agreements. Interestingly, patents covered by the new commitments will be offered at new terms. These new conditions induce a reduction of the royalty base from 100% of the selling price to 65%. The applied rate will be « 5% for 3G devices (including multimode 3G/4G devices) and 3.5% for 4G devices (including 3-mode LTE-TDD devices) that do not implement CDMA or WCDMA ». The above-mentioned terms apply only to products to be sold for use in China. This means that a licensee’s sales of devices used in the US, EU, Japan or other major market will not, in principle, be impacted by the new terms. Of course, no one doubts that they will be offered to both existing and new licensees that may elect or refuse to take them. However, in the industry, licensees may also act as a contract manufacturer or an original design manufacturer (ODM). It then becomes less clear whether the new terms extend, for instance, to products designed and manufactured for another company. The rectification plans leaves open several implementation issues some of which are discussed in the following comments.

Comments

The decision opens more questions than it solves. From both the NRDC and Qualcomm’s statements it is not clear whether the agreed upon figures constitute the exact new terms to be offered to all existing licensees or whether they constitute a simple starting point for negotiation (royalty cap). Both interpretations give the idea that the NRDC is engaging in a sort of price regulation of intellectual property assets as it condemns the high level of royalties as such. Recently, Qualcomm itself reported that it is being targeted by EU and US regulators, and has been involved in private litigation concerning his licensing practices of its standard-essential patents in the US. In my personal view, it seems unlikely that the FTC will adopt an approach similar to the one put forward by the NRDC.

Regarding the EU, it is not completely clear how things will evolve. The EU Commission was extremely careful when targeting excessive prices especially in the case of immaterial assets. In this respect, the Commission investigations in the Qualcomm case provide a concrete example on how difficult it is to demonstrate that royalties are excessive and thus exploitative within the meaning of Article 102TFEU. On the other hand, there are many similarities between the settlement Rambus negotiated in 2009 in a case also about SEP’s and the corrective measures in the present case, which is an indicator that the Commission favors terms close to the ones in the Qualcomm case in China.

However, there may be an argument that by lowering royalties to be collected for devices sold for use in China, Qualcomm discriminates against branded devices to be exported to the EU and others countries and thus harming consumers in those parts of the world. The signal it may then send to the Commission is that it is charging excessive/unfair royalties for its essential European patents. This may prompt the Commission to intervene in order to bring royalties collected in the case of products sent to the European market to a level similar to the one applied for branded devices sold in China. Again, this seems very unlikely given that Qualcomm’s new terms in the Chinese case were extracted under the threat of a judicial proceeding.

In any case, price regulation (as done by the NRDC) differs from an eventual intervention from competition authorities in the EU or the US. This is to say that any move from the Commission or the FTC may not be as focused on the royalties amount in itself but rather on assessing whether the behavior of the dominant firm is designed as to limit existing or potential competition and as such to maintain the extraction of a supra competitive profits. However the only problem in this case is that there exists no competition and there will be no entry (unless the industry moves from the existing standards). Given the involvement of patents, excessive prices are not going to be challenged by competitors. This is what makes the issue of fairness and reasonableness a pressing one in the present case (the debate over the meaning of the terms “fair” and “reasonable” contained in the FRAND commitments is of critical importance here).

Should the Commission or the FTC intervene as “rate-setting” institutions and thus solve the issue relating to the meaning of the words “fair” and “reasonable”? The real answer should ensure that the likely impact on dynamic gains is fully taken into account. More clearly, profit is the main driver of R&D expenditures. However it appears that NRDC’s ruling added to the ex-ante uncertainty about profit with an ex-post cap. This effect can be better understood if we take the case of the industry’s eventual evolution toward the 5G technology. Firms will be less keen to invest in R&D for the 5G technology knowing that their returns are not only uncertain but will most likely be caped in one of the biggest markets in the world. In the name of fairness and reasonableness, price regulation of intellectual property assets can prove highly counterproductive having a detrimental impact on the evolution of technology.

Another striking aspect of the case is that Qualcomm’s licensing activity may be considered as abusive or not depending on the end user of the affected product. Devices sold for use in China will be subject to a specific regime in which royalties are still collected on the basis of the selling price but at a specific rate. In this way, the decision introduces what can be called the « Chinese consumption » criteria. Royalties applied for devices sold outside China are not considered as excessive (and so, not abusive) simply because they harm foreign consumers. Given that most of the devices are manufactured in China, the resulting mechanism has something that resembles to the idea of indifference toward an export cartel in that the involved practice affects mainly consumers outside the jurisdiction in which the conduct was initiated.

Vis-a-vis to Qualcomm’s licensees, the decision terms regarding royalties will most likely extend to other jurisdictions. It is hardly conceivable that Qualcomm will convince its licensees, at least the new ones, of any rate and base higher than what is adopted for devices sold for use in China. This domino effect is even more likely given that license agreements usually contain the « Most favored royalty rate provision » clause which means that the new terms need to be offered not only to licensees for sales of branded devices for use in China but also for the sales in other locations. In this respect, the NDRC’s decision may initiate a snowball effect that is hard to stop.

*Co-editor, Developing World Antitrust

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An analysis of one of El Salvador’s Landmark Merger Cases in Lalibrecompetencia

Editorial Team, DWA

To our Spanish speaking readers, we recommend a post published in Lalibrecompetencia (which you can find here) by Guillermo Castro. He writes about one of the most interesting aspects in the analysis of merger cases in oligopolistic markets: the identification of maverick firms. Guillermo analyses a sequence of two decisions of the Salvadoran antitrust authority in which the merger between two of the largest telecommunication companies in the country was blocked, in large part because the acquired company was deemed to be a disruptive agent in the market. In the first attempt to merge, the two companies were required to divest a significant portion of the resulting firm’s spectrum holdings (which they refused to do) and in the second decision the transaction was enjoined. It is hard to miss the parallel between the Salvadoran case and the failed AT&T – T-Mobile attempt to merge just a year before. Surely the US case had some influence in the Salvadoran authority’s decision. In both cases, the resulting firm was going to become the biggest player in the market and both involved the acquisition of a firm that was deemed to be the maverick. Without further introduction, we invite our Spanish speaking audience to read Guillermo’s post in Lalibrecompetencia.

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New Alliance with Lalibrecompetencia.com

Editorial Team, DWA

We are happy to announce to you that we have formed an alliance with Lalibrecompetencia.com, a blog that focuses on competition policy in Latin America. The cooperation will consist in mutually re-blogging the posts from each blog that are of common interest. The reason behind the alliance is to expand the coverage of both blogs. In our case, keeping you up to date regarding issues of interest in the developing world is quiet a big task for only us to undertake and, therefore, we greatly appreciate the help from our friends at Lalibrecompetencia.com

Lalibrecompetencia is an initiative founded by Juan David Gutiérrez, who is currently a PhD candidate at the Blavatnik School of Government in the University of Oxford and has taught Competition Law in the Universidad Javeriana of Colombia. The editing team is composed by Juan David and two other practitioners with vast experience in the field: Natalia Barrera and Victor Pavón-Villamayor. The blog has affiliated authors from 11 different countries. For more details about the editorial team and authors you can click here

We encourage our readers to follow Lalibrecompetencia.com blog (which also includes posts in English for our non-Spanish speakers). You can follow them on Twitter and Linkedin. For our Spanish speaking audience, their last post is on one of El Salvador’s landmark cases in which the competition authority enjoined the merger between two of the biggest telecommunications companies in the country (Claro and Digicel).

We are working on other potential alliances and we hope to have some news for you soon.

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The Sugar Industry in El Salvador: A Case Study for Competition Authorities around the World

By Francisco Beneke*

One of the biggest challenges for the Competition Superintendence, the antitrust authority in El Salvador, is posed by the sugar industry. What makes this case worth studying is that it basically has it all: a cartel in the manufacturing stage, a dominant wholesale distributor, and a law that shields the industry against the competition authority (and as we will see, from any source of competitive pressure).

Starting with the law, enacted in 2001, the Sugar Act paints a good portrait of the manufacturing industry’s lobbying power. This law mandates and enforces a cartel as follows. Article 2 states that dividing market quotas between the processing plants is a matter of public interest. Articles 19 and 20 specify how this system works. Each plant is yearly given a percentage of the internal market based on past production history. This quota is subdivided in 12 equal parts, which represent the maximum of sugar that a firm can produce per month. If this maximum is not complied with, the processing plant is not only fined but also in the next year will be deprived of a portion of its market share equal to twice the size of the excess with which it is charged.

To enforce this mechanism, the manufacturers have to constantly disclose production information to the regulator (CONSAA), who also has auditing powers granted by the law. Another and more effective way of monitoring the market quotas is performed through the industry’s common sales agent, Dizucar.

Entry is also regulated in the Sugar Act. Any plant that wants to join the club has to be cleared by the CONSAA. The problem with this is that 3 out of 8 members of the board of directors of this state entity are representatives of incumbent plants. It is no majority but one has to bear in mind the political influence this industry has in order to assess the likelihood that the board would take a decision that affects the interests of incumbents. The chances of entry are, therefore, slight at best.

As the reader can see, the Sugar Act solves most of the problems that a cartel faces: coordination, cheating, and entry of new firms. In addition, the monitoring of the quotas is done with greater efficiency through the common sales agent mentioned above, which all but monopolizes the distribution of the production of the sugar mills.

Because the law states that this market division is in the public interest and regulates its functioning, the hands of the Competition Superintendence are tied in what concerns the cartel. Therefore, the authority took the only legally available course of action that it had. In April of 2010 it opened and investigation regarding alleged exclusionary conduct in which Dizucar, the wholesale distributor and common sales agent, was engaging.

In 2012, the Competition Superintendence found that Dizucar was guilty of abuse of dominance and fined the firm with approximately 1.1 million dollars. The amount is rather small since the decision states that the damage caused to consumers only in 2010 was as high as 12 million dollars. Nonetheless, the Competition Superintendence argued that the fine is the highest possible amount allowed by the law, which is the equivalent of 5 thousand times the legal minimum monthly wage. Technically, according to the law, this is not the highest possible amount. Article 38 of the Competition Act states that if the infringement is of particular gravity, then the fine can be established between twice and ten times the estimated amount of the profits acquired through the anticompetitive behavior. There is no discussion in the decision as to why this criterion was not applied when quantifying the fine but in light of the loss in consumer welfare that was claimed it is hard to see a good reason for keeping the fine so low.

Moving on from the case, the Competition Superintendence also undertook great efforts to do something about the Sugar Act. According to an opinion issued by the authority in August last year, since May 2010 the competition authority worked with other government institutions such as the Ministry of the Economy, the Ministry of Agriculture and representatives from Casa Presidencial (the equivalent of the White House) to form a consensus about the reforms that were needed to bring competition into the sugar industry. The work of this team culminated in a joint report in 2012 and a proposal to amend the law that basically aims to abolish the market division system.

Congress has undertaken no reforms yet, but to be fair with the Competition Superintendence and the other state institutions involved, lobbying for a change of the status quo can be a titanic task. Indeed, a very comprehensive study of the lobbying industry in the US found out that one of the strongest predictors of failure for lobbying activities is when the efforts are aimed at changing an established policy (see “Lobbying and Policy Change: Who Wins, Who Loses and Why” by Baumgartner, Berry, Hojnacki, Kimball and Leech (2009)).

To conclude, it can be seen that the strategy of the Competition Superintendence has been to coordinate both enforcing and advocacy tools at its disposal to tackle the problem. Beyond the law and beyond the economics of the decision and the proposed reforms, it is worth highlighting this coordination of activities at a strategic level. Some examples in Latin America suggest that a good enforcement policy aids antitrust authorities in gaining support for reforms they advocate. One such example is the price fixing case of medicines at the retail level by pharmacies in Chile in 2009. After the decision was made public, there was widespread condemnation among the population against the cartel, which helped streamline substantial reforms to strengthen the Chilean competition law. It still remains to be seen whether the Competition Superintendence’s efforts will succeed but I believe sugar consumers expect that this institution will not give up so easily.

* Co-editor, Developing World Antitrust

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